Term: adat
1 2021-03-16T19:44:00+00:00 Jennifer Fraser 404477000adfd4e5c7a1128cfac82e1fc740e8c3 2 2 Explanation of adat plain 2021-03-16T19:45:26+00:00 Jennifer Fraser 404477000adfd4e5c7a1128cfac82e1fc740e8c3This page has tags:
- 1 2021-02-04T18:38:42+00:00 Jennifer Fraser 404477000adfd4e5c7a1128cfac82e1fc740e8c3 Glossary Jennifer Fraser 3 List of terms used throughout the project plain 2021-08-02T15:11:13+00:00 Jennifer Fraser 404477000adfd4e5c7a1128cfac82e1fc740e8c3
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media/Image_Padendang at Sariak Laweh.jpeg
2021-03-16T19:56:51+00:00
Gender of Padendang
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Explores the gender shift within padendang
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2021-08-03T13:54:30+00:00
The sound of her voice, the feelings she expresses, and the haunting melody of the bamboo flute, following her in unison like a devoted lover, float through the night. Sometimes the emotion hangs heavily in the air drawing the heart to the sound. At these times, heads bow...It's about 2 A.M. The female singers, sitting in the Minangkabau way with legs to the side, face the by now mainly male audience on a low, open-air stage. Their heads are bowed so as not to lock eyes with the male gaze as they sing their innermost thoughts.. Field notes, 1997 Sanday 2002: 149
If one were to attend a saluang performance anytime in the last 20 to 30 years, one might assume that padendang have always been people who identify and are identified as women (a note about the use of gendered terms in this project) because men are infrequent participants, if not entirely absent, as vocalists during this time. Writing in 2002, Peggy Sanday, quoted above, writes of a world where it seems that padendang were always women, that the relationship between voice and saluang is a fundamentally gendered one. But it is important to know that the genre has not always been gendered in this way, where tukang saluang identify as men and the padendang identify as women. In the past, in the first half of the twentieth century, all performers identified as men. But even that statement obscures the true history. All the professional singers--those who sang in public, in front of crowds, and received fiscal payment for their services--were men. The singers we know about from the first half of the twentieth century are all men, probably because they were recognized as the professionals.
But there are stories--and even documentary evidence in the form of commercial 78 r.p.m. records--that illustrate women did sing: just not in public venues in front of audiences that included men. Adriyetti Amir, for examples, writes that it was common practice for women to sing "quatrains [i.e. pantun] while doing other work", explaining:Usually women working in the paddy fields, whether planting or harvesting paddy [rice] sing sad, sarcastic, or erotic quatrains. They sing without the accompaniment of instruments. They sing to overcome tiredness. They are unpaid. They can exchange quatrains with almost anyone who passes near their working area; but usually they do not sing about people whom they respect, like their religious teacher, pangulu, or their matrilineal family's sumando .... (Amir 1995:31)
Amir continues to explain that men also sang in informal work contexts, but only "while relaxing during lunch and after the noon prayers (zohor). Sometimes they do bring along the saluang, then they will sing either quatrains [pantun] that are created spontaneously or quatrains that are commonly known" (Amir 1995:31). This information suggests that singing pantun was a common Minangkabau past time for both women and men. It is not clear, however, what songs were used, and if those tunes were affiliated with the genre of saluang we know today. I suspect there is cross-over in the repertoire, that the tunes are mutual. To be clear, in discussing the gender of padendang in saluang throughout this site, I am referring to the professionalized saluang scene, unless otherwise specified.
This issue about gender and performing in public has to be understood within the context of Minangkabau values, especially according to the principles of adat (complex set of cultural practices most frequently glossed as “custom” and “tradition”). In the past, it was considered entirely inappropriate for a woman to be out late at night in front of men, especially those who were not related to her. In the Minangkabau matrilineal system, a woman’s mamak, her maternal uncle, not her father, was tasked with policing and managing her morality, making sure no harm was done to the family reputation. Permission to depart from these mores should be granted by the mamak.
The first generation of professional female padendang were trailblazers, breaking the glass ceiling, at great risk to their person and to the reputation of themselves and their family. There are stories of these women being personally threatened with a gun, maintained by authorities, questioned and shunned. I even heard a story once of a woman being killed by a jealous husband. It’s very hard to fathom just how difficult it would have been for the first generation of women, the stigma they would have had to overcome, both amongst audiences at the time and within the broader society. Needless to say, these women would have been extremely talented and knowledgeable to be accepted within professional circuits, not just among audiences but especially among fellow performers. For the first generation of women, their participation was possible though one of two mechanisms: they sang under the disguise of presenting themselves as a man or they were supervised by a close male relative, either their mamak or their husband. For some, like Nurana, the economic gains--the possibility of making a livelihood--was the motivating factor.
This history of saluang is critically important. There is no other genre in West Sumatra to my knowledge in which women not only became equal participants as singers (participation as instrumentalist is entirely different) but actually came to thoroughly displace their male counterparts. Nobody wants to hear male padendang these days, which speaks more to why some pagurau are interested in saluang now compared with the past. Go here to follow that story.
Putting together this history is like being a detective, scouring what resources exist in the historical record, essentially research produced by people affiliated with Institut Seni Indonesia, and putting together pieces of the puzzle. The historical record is spotty, the information as complete as what is found in those records, amplified with ethnographic interviews with singers like Syamsimar, Mak Ajis, and Mak Sawir who were involved back then in 60s and have since passed, or the oldest generation participating today, like Te E who started singing in the 70s.
It’s a history that deserves to be better known. We share what we have come across here but welcome contributions to enhance the record: dates, stories, and especially photos.
Continue on in this path to read about the stories of the first professional female padendang.Resources:
- Adriyetti Amir 1995
- Erlinda 1999
- Erlinda 2001
- Peggy Sanday 2002
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2021-08-04T17:26:46+00:00
Text: Pantun Nasehat
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Explanation of Pantun Nasehat
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2021-08-05T21:56:40+00:00
Pantun nasehat (literally pantun of advice) is another important type of pantun central to the genre, as they contain the philosophical and moralistic messages of the Minangkabau moral code and worldview, including behavior and characteristic part of Minangkabau adat. The advice, however, is not expressed directly, but all couched in indirect language, just as in the practice of Minangkabau pasambahan.
The words of wisdom contained in these passages are equally important in providing a window into the Minangkabau classic worldview. Historically, they would have provided an important educational function for young Minangkabau people, but the audience has shifted considerably in recent years, skewing older.
Pantun nasehat can be found in all types of song, including ratok, satangah tiang, and gembira.Examples
Example#1
Anak Pantun#3, Isi, Te E, Rendition: "Pariaman Panjang" 07/25/2016Minangkabau
Dek tuan rang bapitih
Hati-hati mambali ameh
Kini banyak ameh campuaan
Agak ijari takicuah juoEnglish
Because he’s got lots of money
Be careful buying gold
The gold is mixed with cheaper materials
Think about the frame of the finger that deceivesInterpretation
Although a man might be rich and have lots of money, he should be very careful when buying gold. Gold here is a metaphor for a woman. The point is that some might looking lovely and glossy, but be mixed with lower quality ingredients, so one shouldn't be fooled by looks.
Example#2
Alah ka sanang hati ayah (semenjak ayah tidak pulang) sudah senang (apa)kah hati ayahMandeh bakuli bausau/ berkerja keras/ berusaha
atau,
bakuli mandeh mancarian
mancarian kami
Explanation
· Msalah rumah tangga
· JF: supaya apa?
· E: pernah dulu di daerah Maninjau, dia kerjain kayak itu kejadian dia, udah ulah bertahun2 tidak pulang. Mendengar pantun itu: besok kembali, rukun kembali.
· JF: so he goes home
· E: dia ingat sama anaknya, dia kembali, satu rumah lagi. Kekasihan anak2 kecil ditinggalkan.
This page references:
- 1 2021-03-16T19:45:19+00:00 Resource: Fraser, 2011, "Pop Song as Custom" 2 Article, "Pop Song as Custom" plain 2021-04-20T17:49:00+00:00