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Song in the Sumatran Highlands

Place: Rantau

In the Tambo Alam Minangkabau, the Minangkabau region is divided into two main parts: the darek and the rantau. The rantau includes areas of migration outside the darek, including both the areas along the coastal plains (the contemporary kabupaten of Pasaman Barek, Padang Pariaman, and Pasisia Salatan) and areas in the highlands outside the darek (the contemporary kabupaten of Pasaman, Sijunjuang, Solok, Solok Selatan, and Dharmasraya).

Historically, the boundaries of the rantau include lands now part of other provinces, including North Sumatra, Riau, and Jambi. Sometimes, when people say the "rantau" they include all the areas in which people identifying as Minangkabau reside, including areas throughout the Indonesian archipelago and even beyond.

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Introduction to the Minangkabau World The Alam Minangkabau (Minangkabau World) is a conceptual place. The mainland part of the contemporary Indonesian province of West Sumatra is part of the Alam Minangkabau, but the boundaries of the Minangkabau world extend beyond provincial borders that are an artifice of state making and politics. It is important to note that the Alam Minangkabau is not coterminous with the province of West Sumatra: the Mentawai island chain that is also part of the province is not populated by people who identify as Minangkabau. It is populated by an Indigenous group who call themselves the Mentawai.

Historically, the Minangkabau World was split into two parts: the darek (cultural heartland) and the rantau (the areas of migration outside the darek). Those distinctions, along with a sense of the spillage beyond the provincial boundaries--more conceptual than accurate--can be seen on the following map.

The Bukit Barisan, which literally means a line of mountains, runs the length of Sumatra from its northern tip to its south. With its towering volcanoes--including Mount Marapi and Mount Singgalang--and jagged mountain ridges, the Bukit Barisan splits the Alam Minangkabau into a narrow coastal plain and a highland region with a series of fertile valleys and crater lakes. These map loosely onto the rantau and darek respectively.
Songs by Place Affiliation The connection between songs and places is important, one of the key ways people categorize songs. Some songs are named for places with which they are affiliated, the place name appearing in the title. Some people call these "lagu asal" (songs of the place of origin), other people, such as Te E, call them "lagu daerah" (songs of regions). Other songs are affiliated with places, known to come from there, but they do not have the place name in their title. At the broadest level, there are those songs from the darek and those from the rantau. Explore the pathways below to follow the increasingly smaller geographic affiliations.
Introduction to Songs Songs--called "dendang" in Minangkabau and "lagu" in Indonesian--are at the heart of saluang. But just what is a song in the context of saluang and how do people talk about them, how do they know and approach them as things in the world? This page provides a basic introduction to help orient you, the user, to the local ways of knowing and thinking about these songs.
What is a song?
What constitutes a song--that is what makes up the DNA of any given song--might be different than your definition. Very few of these songs have identified composers. These songs are identified by title and tune, not by their lyrics. That is because the textual content is not fixed. That content may--and usually does--change from one performance to the next, with padendang drawing on their stock of memorized verses or creating them anew in response to the performance context and interactions with the audience members. Make sure to read song texts for more information. People identify songs largely by their structure, including melodic and rhythmic content. But they also categorize individual songs and group them together based on similarities in a variety of different ways.
Classification of songs
Practitioners and devotees of saluang alike provide a number of categories for classifying songs. These categories provide local ways of knowing the repertoire, ways of interpreting, understanding, learning, appreciating, requesting and otherwise interacting with the songs. The most important ways of knowing and classifying the songs are through type of song and their place affiliations. In presenting individual songs in this site, we engage and use these local systems of knowledge to organize them. It is also important to note that different people might have divergent knowledge about a song's associations, based on their positionality and individualized experiences. The associations presented in this site reflect an identification provided by an individual to me. That doesn't make it necessarily it the "right" interpretation. I think the moments of multiple identifications are more fascinating than the clear cut cases, revealing the way knowledge is differently structured and experienced by individuals.
Classification by type of song
Most practitioners and devotees classify the songs according to one of three song types: ratok (sad songs, literally from the word "lament"), gembira (happy songs) and those in between, satangah tiang (literally "half mast"), which are sometimes described as "half happy" and sometimes as "half sad," depending on who is talking. There are also a large collection of songs from the region called Singgalang. Some people refer to these songs--a very distinctive collection--as a fourth category and others refer to them as a subcategory of ratok.
Classification by function
There are a few songs that are classified according to their function: talingkin (songs sung without saluang in the middle of a performance) and jalu-jalu (the songs used to close a performance).
Classification by place affiliation
Most songs are affiliated with places, identified by performers and devotees as affiliated with either the darek or the rantau, a specific luak or kabupaten, a region (an area that doesn't map neatly onto any one administrative unit), a nagari, or a specific landmark.
Classification by pokok
Tukang saluang (flute players) also classify the songs according to pokok (a system that references how many finger holes are open or closed). This is a more specialized level of knowledge, so we've opted to exclude it for now.
Origin of songs
Most of the songs in the repertoire are considered "klasik," meaning they have been part and parcel of the genre for a very long time. The genre, however, incorporates new material from other genres, both regional Minangkabau practices, such as indang or sijobang, and popular genres, such as regional and national dangdut tunes. It is not clear how long this incorporation of "outside" material has been occurring, but it has been occurring at least since I started tracking songs in 2003-2004. See Songs Imported from Other Genres.
Attribution of Songs
Most of the songs in the repertoire are not attributed to any specific composer. Most of these songs could be considered part of the "klasik" repertoire, composed before the practice of making connections between content and individual ownership. There are some songs, however, that we present here that do have attributed composers, most of whom are well-known padendang (see composers). Practitioners and connoisseurs alike sometimes offer attribution in discussing the songs, but there is not always agreement in that attribution. I expect that is for a number of reasons: not documented in writing, people offering covers and variations, people familiar with the first person to have popular or commercial success with a tune, even if they didn't initially compose the tune. It is sometimes difficult to parse these stories to get to the truth, whatever that may be; instead it is best to consider each claim telling a different kind of truth.
Structure of Songs
Most songs are strophic in form, meaning the melody stays consistent for each verse. There are a handful of songs, for example, "Pariaman Panjang" and "Kambang Aia Aji," that have multiple parts, with each part having a distinct melody. These parts are know as induak (mother) and anak (child). While there is an ideal progression of order through these multi-part songs (say induak, anak, anak), my recordings suggest that order is not always followed. See Songs with Interesting Features.
Songs with Interesting Features 10 List of songs with interesting features plain 2021-08-02T14:29:41+00:00
Songs with Variable Form
Most of the songs within the saluang repertoire are strophic in form. That simply means every verse--in this case every pantun--is set to the same melodic and rhythmic content. There are a few songs, however, that are markedly not. They have sections, labeled locally as "induak" (mother) and "anak" (child). In some cases, like "Pariaman Panjang," there might even be two different anak. When these songs are delivered in performance there is no standardized form, including how many lines of verse in a pantun. There are assumptions about typical structures, but those assumptions do not always manifest in reality. I like to think of it as "mix and match" with building blocks. Part of the diversity happens because singers trade off verses after one pantun, rather than induak and anak. Sometimes the tukang saluang structures the possibilities.

Some songs with sectional structure include:
- "Pariaman Panjang"
- "Pariaman Tangguang"
- "Pariaman Lamo"
- "Banda Sapuluah"
- "Palaiaran"
- "Kambang Aia Aji"
Some songs with variable pantun structure include:
- "Pariaman Panjang"
- "Kambang Aia Aji"
- "Ratok Bonjo"
As I put these lists together, it strikes me that all of these songs with variable structure, whether using sections or in pantun length, are from the rantau, inspired by musical practices there and/or imported into the saluang darek repertoire from the genre of origin. Almost all are from the pasisia (coastal) regions, whether that be Padang Pariaman or Pasisia Salatan.
Contexts for Saluang Performance 9 This page explains various contextual factors for saluang performances image_header 2021-09-02T01:09:26+00:00
This page outlines a range of contextual factors that all have a hand in shaping the way a performance unfolds.
What
Saluang performances are held in association with a wide variety of events, ranging from events hosted by families to those hosted by communities or institutions. All the events at which saluang is found have a celebratory nature: the music enhances a sense of festivity and sociability.
- Life cycle events, especially weddings and circumcisions
- Community celebrations, such as fundraisers, halal-bihalal
- Bagurau Lapiak
When
Saluang performances are more common at certain times of the year than others. While Indonesia adheres to the Gregorian calendar for official business, the Islamic calendar equally structures the passage of time in Minangkabau society. Saluang performances won't be found at all during the holy month of Ramadan, when it is not appropriate to hold celebrations of any kind. As the most popular time for weddings and circumcisions is the month following Ramadan, saluang performances are the most frequent then. Jennifer deliberately designed her plan for fieldwork around this calendar. The patina of religiosity lingers through Lebaran and in the week or two afterwards, which does have some influence on the participation in and modesty at saluang performances. Finally, families and communities hosting events might give some consideration to season, whether it is the rainy or dry season. The dry season is better for hosting events held outside with strong attendance. The weather, however, has been less predictable with climate change. In summary, the following are important temporal factors that structure the ways events unfold:
- The year: performances were different in 2003-2004 vs. 2015-2016
- The month, particularly according to the Islamic calendar
- The season: dry or wet, which will affect people's ability to travel.
Where
Saluang performances occur wherever there is a sizable Minang population. The location where an event is held is very influential on the way an event will unfold, in part structuring to some extent the performers who are invited and the pagurau who attend, but also for the repertoire that might be requested. Historically, Bukittinggi was considered the "center" for saluang, with many performers in residence there. Over time, however, Payokumbuah became the center: many performers are now located in or near Payokumbuah.

The broadest distinction with regard to location is between events held in the darek vs. the rantau, including areas of the rantau beyond the borders of West Sumatra. The specific luak is another factor, as is the specific nagari, particularly if there are songs affiliated with it. A performance held in Luak Agam is likely to have some differences from one held in Luak Limo Puluah Koto. Both will have differences from a performance held in areas of the rantau, such as Solok or Pasaman. Those performances held beyond the province would be different yet again. The best singers, like Te E, have stories of traveling to neighboring provinces in Sumatra, including Riau, Jambi, Bengkulu, North Sumatra; to Jakarta and other parts of Java; and to parts of Malaysia. I've never attended a saluang performance in the rantau so I can't speak to how they are structured, but I wonder if people don't request the most classic songs, the songs closely associated with their hometowns. Finally, events held in urban centers are likely different from those in more rural locales. This factor is probably most influential on the participants, generating greater attendance closer to population centers. But it is not the only consideration. If a very famous singer will be singing in a more rural location, like Te E in Suayan (about 2 hours one direction by motorbike from Payokumbuah), pacandu are willing to travel.

Another factor that plays into the way performances unfold are the physical spaces in which they are located. There is a difference if they are held in a home or in a communal space, the inside of a house or in the yard. When they are held in communal spaces, are these regular gathering spaces for community events, a public marker, a specially-built cafe or road side stall? Are the guests seated at tables and chairs, on rows of chairs, mats on the floor, or must they stand?
Who
Who is hosting a saluang performance has a strong hand in shaping it, including the choice of performers, the choice of saluang styles, and so on. These factors include whether the host is an individual/ family, a community, or an institution. The economic capital of the host affects the budget for an event, which is turn might affect the style of saluang and the physical set up. The performances with the lowest budget, for example, are least likely to have seating or snacks for the pagurau (see Performance: Suayan, August 1, 2015 vs. Performance: Batu Balang, July 17, 20160. The religious values of the hosts--the relative piety--will affect the presence or absence of porno lyrics. The performers and pagurau will be more modest if they know a host is more devout. If a host is a known pacandu, then the event will be of a different quality, have different songs, and/or different interactions between performers and pagurau or among pagurau than if the host is less familiar with the scene.
Economics of performance
How a performance is structured relatively to economics shapes its structure. The most important distinction here is whether
- Performers are contracted in advance for the event: they are paid some uang muka ("face money," an advance) at the time they are contracted and the remainder at the performance. This can be the case even if the performance is functioning as a fundraiser, where all funds contributed for the honor of making requests goes to the designated cause.
- Performers need to generate their own income, working for tips and a share of the evening's takings (see bagurau lapiak).
Summary
In short, each event is completely unique and the conditions are not replicable.
Term: Marantau
The concept of marantau (to go to the rantau, the outlying areas) has been critical to Minangkabau cultural identity (Mochtar Naim 1973; Kato 1982; Pelly 1983). Historically, as Mochtar Naim explains, the Minangkabau institution of migration was voluntary in nature and a temporary state, at least in intent. Young men left their family and village of birth prior to marriage in order to seek experience, knowledge, and fortune before returning to marry and settle down (Naim 1973:18). This historical gendered practice is the one celebrated in song titles, such as "Bujang Marantau" (young man going on marantau)--and lyrics.
Migration patterns, however, have shifted since the publication of Naim’s seminal text. Today, many people--both men and women--migrate for purposes of employment, education, or marriage; the distances they travel have increased; and the move is often a more permanent one. There are now many Minangkabau people who have never lived in the homeland or areas adjacent to West Sumatra with long established Minangkabau communities for educational or work opportunities. In the 2000 census, 5.4 million people identified as Minangkabau: 69% of them lived in West Sumatra, while another 1.8 million were located either in neighboring Sumatran provinces or were scattered throughout the archipelago, with sizeable communities in major cities such as Jakarta and Bandung (Suryadinata, Arifin, and Ananta 2003: 545).

Minangkabau migrants, whether the migration is temporary or more permanent, retain a conceptual connection to their ancestral village of origin, their kampung. In the matrilineal system, this is the place from where their mother, their mother's mother, their maternal great-great grandmother comes, whether they have ever lived there or not.

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